PART II - Additional Section, Spring 2015 (Click here for published version PART I )
By Yasemin Dobra-Manço
CULTURAL DIPLOMACY FOR SAFEGUARDING SILK ROAD AND MARITIME HERITAGE
In addition to the Silk Road, the
Afro-Eurasian incense and spice routes have also been a source of enrichment as
well as conflict. As future additions of Silk Road routes are added to the
United Nations World Heritage List,
a new understanding of crossroads may include sections of the “Spice Routes”
and “Incense Routes” from where ancient commercial centers were linked to
Africa, the Middle East and Eurasia. Therefore, any international definition of
the Silk Road is incomplete without the inclusion of other segments of these
trade routes, such as the western section that links the European and Asian
continents through Turkey. Hence, various interpretations of the
interconnectedness of these maritime and overland routes will continue to be
debated and analyzed.
EXPANDING INTEREST IN TRADE ROUTE NETWORKS
With the demise of the Silk Road
and the fall of the Yuan dynasty, China's central role in international trade
did not come to an end. As a matter of fact, Eurasian-Pacific-North American
trade routes were responsible for the exchange of many goods and new
discoveries. Trade with Ming China via the Philippines enabled a flow of goods
between Asia and South America during the 16th century through the
sea routes that spanned the Pacific from Mexico and Peru to China. Explorers and
Europeans who navigated the west coast of North America also used trade routes
of the Pacific and the Far East. One area that requires further scholarly
examination is the triangular trade network that linked the U.S. Pacific
Northwest Coast, China, and the Hawaiian Islands.
After the Vitus Bering expedition of 1741, explorers and fur trappers from the Russian Empire arrived on the Pacific coast of Alaska. With the establishment of settlements they expanded hunting and trading down the west coast of North America as far south as Fort Ross in California, from where the maritime fur trade routes extended to China from the coast of the Eastern Pacific Ocean. The Russian colony, established north of San Francisco, was also involved in the above mentioned triangular trade network. It now serves as a cultural heritage site which is a successful example of U.S.-Russian public-private sector collaboration for heritage preservation.
The study of other trade routes
offers new opportunities for international cooperation. One unfolding project
involves heritage sites along the Mediterranean region. This international
project was announced by Italy in 2014 and aims at exchanging knowledge on
selected historic and archaeological sites. The countries that have joined the
initiative, such as Italy, Lebanon and Tunisia, plan to focus on architectural
heritage shared by countries around the Mediterranean and across three
continents.
Another ongoing project involves
the overland network known as the Andean Road System. Just as the segments of
the eastern Silk Road have been included in the WHL, this transboundary network
was also designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 2014. This extensive Inca
communication, trade and defense network of roads leads thousands of miles down
the Pacific Coast of South America. For 3,000 years these routes connected the
peoples of Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, Argentina, Bolivia and Chile. The
network passes through one of the world’s most extreme geographical terrains,
and presents sites along the routes that highlight the social, political,
architectural and engineering achievements of the network, along with its
infrastructure for trade, accommodation and storage, and sites of religious
significance. In contrast to the Silk Road network, experts have described the
Andean Road System as the most expansive network of infrastructure relating to
transportation in the New World.
APPROACHES FOR SILK ROAD HERITAGE
All parties of these global
efforts to build new bridges between societies and continents must focus on
activities and events that evolve around intercultural dialogue so as to spread
an understanding of diverse worldviews. Because societies around the world have
different values, traditions, attitudes, and histories of development, the
leaders of projects and initiatives must have vast knowledge of world heritage
and appreciation for local cultures. They must, above all, have the ability to
share ideas and to explore solutions together with a rainbow of nations in order
to better understand the origin of their differences, and to appreciate the
similarities they share.
With time, China’s cultural
heritage involvement and its commitment to cultural exchange could make a
noticeable contribution to advancing China’s image and foreign policy
interests. China has emphasized that due to the complex political, cultural,
security, and socio-economic conditions in Silk Road countries, aspirations need
the support of feasibility studies and close engagement with these
countries. Chinese entities will need to collaborate with numerous ministries of foreign affairs, antiquities, culture,
education, and tourism.
Most importantly, in order to
conserve important historical, cultural, and archaeological resources, heritage
advocates must be able to follow local and national government initiatives,
evaluate proposed laws, analyze management plans and results, and champion
policies and practices that will ensure the responsible safeguarding of heritage
resources. In order to gain the public’s support, heritage advocates also need
to build coalitions with civil society representatives and to promote a wide
range of activities to increase public appreciation of intangible cultural
heritage and world heritage. Furthermore, by strengthening ties between
communities and international bodies, the creation of multinational partnerships
will be facilitated by interaction with local populations who share the same
goals.
Activities that increase public
appreciation can foster cultural understanding through world literature,
traditional music, song, language, handicrafts, folk art, and for example traveling
exhibitions that honor Silk Road travelers. Cross-cultural exchanges and
mutual appreciation can be cultivated among young people through various means,
such as film, theatre, fashion, dance, the arts and gastronomy. Students can be
encouraged to take part in Silk Road science and technology projects, museum
studies, heritage education, and in international exchange programs. For
professionals of diverse fields, the sharing of experience and expertise,
dissemination of scientific data, and collaboration with educational
institutions is valuable.
Efforts to promote heightened
awareness of conservation issues can be carried out through heritage advocacy
that can be supported by a wide audience, including universities, research
institutes, educators, scholars, curators, conservationists, scientists, marine
archaeologists, historians, economists, public officials, public relations and
marketing professionals, public affairs specialists, mass communication experts,
tour-operators, urban planners, cultural associations, lobbyists, artists, environmental groups, coalitions of local communities, non-governmental
organizations, public-private sector entities, and business organizations that
support socially responsible business practices.
One means for heritage sites
along segments of the Silk Road to gain prestige and global attention is by
inclusion in the WHL. These heritage sites tend to receive greater attention
from the tourism sector, the public, the media and responsible authorities who
usually closely monitor the safeguarding of sites. After a site has been
designated a World Heritage Site, the resulting prestige helps raise awareness among
citizens and governments for intensified heritage preservation, leads to greater
heritage advocacy and education, and a general rise in the level of
conservation. In some cases, a country may also receive financial assistance and
expert advice from the World Heritage Committee to support activities for
preservation needs.
Concerning inclusion of sites on the WHL,
the means to identify and prioritize the needs of heritage sites is a
complicated process, for which criteria and standards have been set by UNESCO.
Taking this into account, nations themselves can and should create their own
national heritage lists. By doing so, not only can communities and nations learn
to develop a deeper appreciation of their own heritage, they can also find new
ways to strengthen their economies, capitalize on tourism and formulate national
heritage plans that bring international prestige and status to sites.
Lastly, for sites to be included
in a national heritage preservation list, or to be nominated to the WHL,
advocates must develop expertise and work closely with the media. In
essence, they must learn to work effectively with those who support their cause
and who can lobby legislators, decision-makers, policy-makers, relevant agencies
and authorities for implementing appropriate legislation that supports their
cause.
International cooperation will be
vital for continuing to identify, protect and manage cultural heritage sites
along the overland and maritime Silk Road. UNESCO will undoubtedly continue to
play a primary role in heritage preservation by encouraging countries to protect
their cultural and natural heritage, in addition to encouraging them to nominate
sites for inclusion on its WHL. International partnerships can also inspire the
world so that universal values can be cultivated so that greater appreciation of cultures can further unite people
and nations.
These activities and methods can
enhance China’s prestige, while the same methods and instruments can also be
used by other nations in public diplomacy efforts to promote mutual
understanding. A major goal of Silk Road initiatives can therefore be the
promotion of prosperity and cooperation through intensified cultural diplomacy
by a variety of countries.
THE RISE OF CHINA’S NEW OUTLOOK
In order for China’s
initiatives to be better understood, China's media and publishing circles have
an expanded role to play for making Chinese culture and China's new outlook
accessible (or as some say “to export” China), particularly
to potential business travelers, educators, students and young people
worldwide. The government has sought to build the China brand
not only through international dialogue but also through libraries, media centers
and information services that have been established internationally. Already,
the Chinese government has made tremendous investments for improving the
communication capabilities of its media outlets such as CCTV, the funding
of Confucius Institutes, as well as by organizing the Olympic Games, Shanghai
Expo, summits for world leaders, and by hosting other high-profile events.
The worldwide distribution and
publication of multi-language versions of the book "Xi Jinping: The
Governance of China” in 2014 demonstrates that the People's Republic is eager
to engage with members of the international community. The overseas popularity
of the book has also enabled the international community to acquire a better
understanding of China's ideology, culture, history, social system, pattern of
development, foreign policy, and values under the new leadership.
Amidst these innovative
developments, China is not neglecting to prepare the Chinese people for the
effects of cultural openness. A Chinese television program on the Silk Road
travels of one of China’s well-known motorless sailing navigators, Zhai Mo,
and his team of sailors from different countries, presents China’s expanding
outlook. In terms of a foreign audience, Chinese news reports have noted that
through Zhai’s travels foreigners can see that China is now embracing the
world and the future with an open mind. Although critics may view these attempts
as a means to sway public and international opinion in favor of China’s
policies, it can be seen as a reflection of China’s proactive strategy of
opening-up and strengthening its interactions with the international community.
China watchers are eager to
scrutinize how China welcomes cultural engagement internally, and in the
regional and global mechanisms it supports. If China successfully merges
economic and cultural initiatives in the interests of the international
community, it can take credit for working to advance global diplomacy between
cultures.
Taking all the above into
consideration, heritage conservation and China’s cultural diplomacy will no
doubt be a component in China’s public diplomacy strategies for positioning
China in the current world order. The use of soft-power in contemporary Chinese
international relations will therefore increasingly play a role in the
development of geo-political and strategic interests of nations along these routes. For new
heritage protection projects linked to the China-led initiatives to be launched
in such a complex environment, China will need to coordinate with global efforts
that are already underway and sustained by international, regional,
multilateral, or other agreements. Furthermore, nations will need bilateral or
multilateral frameworks to facilitate finding compromises and creative solutions
that can address their needs and priorities, especially as heritage preservation
issues lead to heightened public awareness within global civil
society.
It should be reemphasized, that these international initiatives can also be beneficial for all parties, not just China. But how the ideological principles built into China’s political system will be intertwined into its new Silk Road and foreign policy initiatives is a subject of great interest, both for those who foresee opportunities for cooperation, and for those who anticipate obstacles to development.
CHALLENGES AND OBSTACLES TO
CHINA’S INITIATIVES
The prospects for potential soft-power applications by China can be complicated by geo-politics, divergence between countries or financial institutions, competition for natural resources, and other strategic calculations. China must deal with complex regions that surround its vast territory, as well as foreign policy formulation at its borders which involves 14 adjacent countries and a coastline of approximately 14,500 km (9,010 miles). The regions where China faces diplomatic and security problems include: Northeast Asia, Oceania, continental Southeast Asia, maritime Southeast Asia, South Asia, and Central Asia. Rivalry with the U.S. and other major powers, such as Japan, could dim some prospects for implementation of its foreign policy aims according to diverse analysts. There is concern over how China and the U.S. can reconcile their competing strategic interests and build a cooperative relationship as the U.S. seeks to protect America's expanding commercial presence in Asia and the Western Pacific.
Although it has been observed that China’s approach to regional issues is
being guided by mutual understanding based on economic pragmatism, international
tension in the East and South China Sea, along with other factors, could hinder
the region's ability to build on multilateral dialogue. Growing concerns over
Chinese military capabilities, disputes over islands, and the U.S. interest in
maintaining
the freedom of navigation, have worried some observers. Additionally, the region
has become an area of geo-strategic and geo-political value for major powers,
and an area of struggle for supremacy.
China’s far-reaching infrastructure initiatives face a wide-range of challenges along the land and sea routes, including risks of earthquakes and natural disasters, wars and crises, tribal and regional separatism, territorial conflicts, domestic unrest, political instability, acts of piracy, threats of terrorism, pro and anti-China sentiment, and competition for energy development. Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, communities around the world have growing concerns about the negative effects that large construction projects have on their environment, such as encroaching urban development. In fact, many countries are becoming increasingly aware that tourism development is a double edged sword. Due to the concerns of environmental groups, China and other South East Asian nations could, for example, become entangled with international public opinion regarding marine environmental protection due to the potential negative impact of construction activities on islands and reefs. Although media attention has been focused on China regarding construction activities, several South East Asian nations occupy different islands, reefs and rocks. Four countries, not including China, have established airstrips and some islands have been built up by Vietnam and The Philippines. Despite overlapping claims from The Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and China, nations are working to develop bilateral agreements and a South China Sea Code of Conduct that aims to cultivate peace and stability in the region. China will also need to engage in a communications campaign that helps build mutual understanding especially because China states that the Spratly Islands, also called the Nansha Islands, are historic lands within its own sovereign territory. In addition nations which have ratified the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), will need to coordinate efforts with other nations in order to protect and preserve the marine environment and ecosystems.
In light of the above, other problematic areas for overland and maritime Silk Road initiatives can arise between international aims in relation to the conservation of cultural heritage sites, and the over-riding concepts of national sovereignty and the non-interference in the internal affairs of a state.
BUILDING ON OLD FOUNDATIONS OR
NEW PILLARS FOR THE FUTURE?
China’s worldview, which it
presented at the Boao Forum, made it clear that China will more visibly work for
global peace and pursuing common development based on its foreign policy
objectives for the 21st century. In the spirit of the forum’s theme,
"Asia's New Future: Towards a Community of Common Destiny," China
underlined the importance it gives to non-interventionist principles, supporting
a win-win approach, consensus building, equality among nations, mutual respect,
and attention to core interests and major concerns regarding the pursuit of
common security. These perspectives indicate that China is seeking to contribute
to a world
order that operates with fair rules, where no group of countries are
disadvantaged.
In terms of building a new world
order, it appears that China views itself as part of the existing world order
which needs to evolve in the 21st century. The statements
by President Xi Jinping further elaborate on a vision of cooperation where China
“has to follow the world trend and seek progress and development in tandem
with that of the world.” These statements beckon the question: In
which direction are global developments and changes headed, and which pillars of
the foundations of world order need to be strengthened or reconstructed?
Present-day pillars, which provide order to the world's civilizations, are indebted to both ancient Chinese and Western inventions, and to all peoples who promoted the intermingling of cultures that enabled the transmission of knowledge and ideas. But because the foundations of our world order are being re-evaluated as the world undergoes a transformation stirred by the process of globalization, many European and American-led institutions, which have served as foundation stones for world development, are also under examination to determine how coordinated world development can better serve future global interests.
For seven decades, U.S.-led
institutions have been the cornerstone of the global economic order, beginning
with the Bretton Woods system in 1944 which established a global monetary order
after the end of World War II that paved the way for institutions such as the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and later, regional institutions
such as the Asian Development Bank. For the reconstruction of Europe, the
Marshall Plan was the most overwhelming economic development initiative ever
undertaken by a government outside its national borders. The plan was also
intended to provide
U.S. support for European countries so that they could exercise
self-determination and resist what was called a Communist takeover, as democratic systems and
alliances evolved. All these systems have contributed to the advancement of
international law, human rights, democracy, modernization and paths of
industrialization.
Nonetheless, the frequency and
increasing intensity of financial crises have given rise to demands
to reform the existing international commercial and financial system, and to
calls for a new international order to replace “outdated” or “obsolete”
rules, and those dictated by the West. Concerns and discussions have revived
debate on Western hegemony, imperialism, struggles against colonial empires,
Cold War spheres of influence, historic demands of the Non-Aligned Movement, and
reform of the U.N. Security Council. The Asian-African Summit in Indonesia, held
in April 2015, was a recent manifestation of such a call for new global leadership.
These debates indicate that there
is a need for more effective international bodies and monetary systems which can
better cope with contemporary challenges. The debates also make it evident that
present day institutions must evolve new functions, if they are to maintain and
enhance their legitimacy, while new institutions are created in order to find
solutions to contemporary problems. The recent establishment of China’s AIIB,
appears to be a response to the need to reform the global financial system, with
an aim to more objectively reflect the interests of developing countries.
The arising uncertainty over what
role China will play in influencing and reshaping world affairs has resulted in
tensions between some Asian nations, and in Sino-American relations, for a
variety of financial, geo-political and military reasons. During this period, a
U.S. foreign policy objective has become the “pivot to Asia,” or a
“rebalancing” of U.S. interests from the Middle East to the Asia-Pacific
region, together with the development of a U.S. maritime strategy in the
Indo-Asia-Pacific Region.
Concerning the debate over the
future of U.S.-China relations, for more than a century numerous American
geo-strategists, such as Alfred Thayer Mahan and George Kennan, have made
predictions about Asia and naval supremacy. In his recent book, “World
Order,” Henry Kissinger views China’s emergence on the world stage as a
threat to the Westcentric world order, yet Kissinger encourages incorporating
China in a system based on Western values and principles which reflects the
values and worldview of diverse civilizations.
The question arises whether the
call for international cooperation along the new Silk Road can overcome the
difficulties of establishing order in a world with rivalries and varying
conceptions of international norms, legal regimes and rules? If developing and
non-Western nations feel a need to reject the “universal standards” and
rules they believe have been dictated by the West, how can these nations
reconstruct the international system upon new pillars, or upon established
foundations, in cooperation with the West in the interest of international
stability? The
answer may also depend on whether rivals are motivated to help China lead in these
developments.
Despite 35 years
of bilateral progress since the establishment of diplomatic relations between
the U.S. and China, the prospects for progress on regional challenges are
unclear. The question of how the U.S. and China can work together to refashion
the existing world order also remains unanswered.
Yet, as China desires to
play a more decisive role in international affairs, and in the institutions of
global governance, it must simultaneously deal with a United States who seeks
economic and political influence over the fast-growing Asia-Pacific region. The
TPP, which aims to expand economic opportunities for Americans, boost U.S.
economic growth, and provide new market access for American products and
services, is striving to become the cornerstone of U.S. economic policy in the
Asia Pacific, and reflects the United States’ current economic priorities and
values.
It remains to be seen how China
will employ its diplomatic and soft-power influence in an increasingly
interdependent and interconnected world in order to realize its land and
maritime Silk Road cooperative development plans. Its engagement with the world
may induce a re-evaluation of the current world system and security pacts, while
shifting alliances and regional groupings adjust as China establishes a global
presence.
CHINA’S IMAGE AS AN EMERGING
GLOBAL PLAYER
While a transformed world is in
the making, it also remains to be seen if China can transform itself into a
global actor who has a leading voice in restructuring international relations
and global financial systems. For reasons that are sometimes unclear, many
people remain suspicious, or even fearful of the rise of China – often using
the stigmatizing phrase “the threat of China.” The fears of Chinese
economic, political, military and cultural influence have been evident in a
variety of ways, and include misgivings about the AIIB’s potential conflict
with existing institutions, fears of China as an expansionist power, and
perceptions of China’s cultural influence as a threatening type of
“infiltration.” As China emerges as a major influential global power,
overcoming the fears of Chinese economic and demographic domination, will to
some extent be the responsibility of China. China will need to be convincing
that its increasing power in world affairs will be beneficial for global
progress. In terms of misconceptions about China’s intentions, the situation
calls for China analysts around the world to better determine how changes and
developments in our world pose real and specific threats to peaceful
coexistence, versus scenarios that might be unfounded or exaggerated.
Herein lies the challenge to
China. Chinese officials have already been working to assure other countries
that a stronger China will not be a threat to their autonomy or security, but
how effectively will China’s public diplomacy counter fears of pro-Beijing
dominated institutions and regional systems? Chinese officials must be willing to make far-reaching efforts to
understand the mind-set of potential non-China partners, their interests and
sensitivities, in addition to why China has been misunderstood. China can also
develop new approaches to better respond to international concerns so that
cooperation can counter rivalry, and misconceptions are replaced with a better
understanding of the realities of China’s rise.
A commonly portrayed negative
image of China in the West presents a nation that fears non-Chinese value
systems and differing worldviews that may clash with Chinese cultural traditions
(this perception can be compared to Western perceptions of China’s influence
as threatening, or European Union perceptions that view non-Western influences as destabilizing).
Such a generalized perception of China creates bias, and serves as an obstacle to
opportunities that promote engagement in a broad set of debates and
discussions that can lead to finding creative solutions. Although generalizations should be
avoided, and surveys of global attitudes and trends may not be an accurate
reflection of reality, it is fair to assume that international public opinion is
perplexed by China because until a few decades ago it was considered one of the
most isolated nations of the world. Yet China has managed to enter the world
spotlight as a high-profile actor, and thus deserves greater attention and
objective study from
the international community.
The people of China, like any
nation, have the right to decide what is best for them, and how they will engage
in modernization and "Westernization." However, partners of China need to feel assured that China’ s outward-looking worldview
will encourage it to lead in the areas of mutual understanding. As institutions are reformed and created, China’s outward-looking
economic drives,
foreign policy and cultural initiatives will hopefully embrace the hands which
the West, and others, need to extend. This will help counter “fears of
China,” and enable China's initiatives to win acceptance, while its
cultural diplomacy efforts work to build on diplomatic synergies across
different continents.
As details unfold of how China
proposes financing projects and integration, China will need to address these
and other misgivings concerning its overland and maritime initiatives. Although
global opinions about China are mixed, with favorable and unfavorable
attitudes, the same can be said for many countries. Despite the difficulties of
overcoming doubts and fears regarding China, there are developments that favor
China, as positive global views of China emerge. According to the research
results of the Pew Research Center, statistics in 2014 indicate that within the
last decade China has seen its stature grow in the eyes of the global public.
While the post-Cold War era is in
search for a balance of power, a revised international system of norms and
rules, a reordering of values, and the development of international law, the Belt and Road initiatives could serve to fuel new ways of thinking about
present-day conflicts. If China will be making vast investments for
infrastructure projects to bring prosperity and improve people’s lives, the
vulnerable and newborn OBOR initiatives should be welcomed and are a cause for
universal celebration. What is worrying to potential partners however, are not
China’s benevolent aspirations, but unknown political intentions and
conditions, or rather “strings attached” to China’s current foreign policy
initiatives.
The question remains how China
will find a balance in its foreign policy between asserting its own interests,
and in promoting and maintaining global peace and pursuing common development
across the world. It is inevitable that nation-states will use both soft and
hard-power to further their geo-political goals, especially due to clashes over
spheres-of-influence in the contemporary international system. As China becomes
the dominant economic power in Asia, it may increasingly seek to apply its
power through an activist foreign policy in order to have an impact on
geo-political centers and in the international arena.
With this in mind, it is of
primary importance that the initiatives of the Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st
Century Maritime Silk Road proceed to strengthen global connectivity by
recognizing the fact that global trade now links nations from all corners of the
world, and any disruptions in the tightly interconnected world economy can
quickly lead to instability. For the sake of stability, countries of the world
must be willing to commit to many years of negotiation and serious discussion
and to pursue the formulation of new policy approaches in order to overcome
barriers that could lead to constructive international cooperation. Perhaps
then, the newborn OBOR initiatives will be defined as having encouraged the
forces of 21st century competition to foster stability, and outweigh violent geo-political
rivalry.
Though China has raised eyebrows
due to its ambitious policies, some observers have noted that China envisions a
multipolar world based on continuity with the core concept of peaceful
development, and that in the past it has sought to pursue defensive foreign
policy goals. In addition, observers have described China as “a reform-minded
status-quo power.” In terms of the U.S.-China relationship, China has said it will not
provoke confrontation and that it seeks to find converging interests with the
United States amidst the profound changes the world is undergoing. China has
maintained that in this period of change the U.S. and China share more extensive
common interests and broader prospects of cooperation on a wide range of issues
that are vital to peace and development.
If the seeds of China’s
cultural diplomacy flourish, these new networks of exchange may help create new
paths for cultural, political, commercial, financial, technological, military and security collaboration in a world that is vulnerable to conflict. While China builds its
East-West relationships, along with North-South dialogue and cooperation,
nations of the world can also devise complimentary or alternative strategies.
Because the fates of all nations are now more closely interlinked, maintaining international
order by implementing new strategies that encourage prosperity and peaceful coexistence can be
based on economic and cultural diplomacy, described above, that is founded on
sound pillars on which present-day civilizations rest.
Now that China has ignited this new
era of soft-power competition, it is not clear whether major power rivalries
have an increased risk of an escalating competition of hard-power. As the
inventor of the magnetic compass, China has a central role to play in helping
the world find direction. And, as the inventor of gunpowder and fireworks, with
centuries of experience in illuminating the skies, China’s forward-looking
policies could help deter modern versions of flaming arrows and rockets from
being used as components of hard-power for guiding the foreign policy direction
of nations. If so, in the interests of humanity, soft-power synergy spurred by
global cultural diplomacy can perhaps focus on inventing new ways to illuminate
our vision and brighten our future.
(Click here for published version PART I )